ZULFIKAR  BHUTTO

Born to be Hanged -Political biography of Z.A.Bhutto by Syeda Hameed ; Published by  Rupa ; Pages  264 ; Price Rs.500/-

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I was fascinated to know how the author of this  political biography of Z.A.Bhutto chose the title. Enter  Sir Morrice James , the British High Commissioner in Islamabad in the 1960s who wrote presciently “Bhutto certainly had the right quality for reaching the heights—drive, charm, imagination, a quick and penetrating mind, zest for life, eloquence, energy, strong constitution, a sense of humour and a thick skin. Such  a blend is rare anywhere and Bhutto deserved his swift rise to power…There was a rank odour of hellfire about him…Despite his gifts, I judged that one day Bhutto would destroy himself.. I reported in my dispatches – ‘Bhutto was born to be hanged’ ……Fourteen years later that was what it turned out to be.”

 Bhutto was  the Prime Minister from 1971 to 1977.   His Chief of Army Staff, General Zia-ul-Haq   overthrew him and executed him in 1979. Zia ruled over Pakistan for eleven years with an iron fist until he got blown up in an air crash in 1988—pure Greek drama.

 Syeda Hameed , who is a well-known human rights activist and  a Member of our Planning Commission has studied in depth  politics of Pakistan, met a number of  Bhutto’s contemporaries and collected a wealth of data  from archives and letters to portray her subject.  Syeda’s subject is a man who declared to wage a 1,000-year war against India. This  well-researched book is a product of 20 years of painstaking labour, coupled with access to the Bhutto family's personal library and interviews with Pakistan People's Party co-founder Mubashir Hassan.  Hameed reveals unkown facets of Bhutto. One letter from the late Prime Minister to  Mohammad Ali Jinnah is an indicator of the beginnings of  an ideology deeply rooted in religion and the firm belief  that there could never be a truce between Hindus and Muslims in the subcontinent. "Musalmans should realise that Hindus can never and will never unite with us, they are the deadliest enemies of your Quran and Prophet,"

 The book is spread over four major parts, each of which delves into details about the key phases in Bhutto's life as a person and as a personality. The author makes clear how socialism crept into the psyche of the young Bhutto: a principle he vehemently believed in, but one which he conveniently jettisoned when the going got tough . For Bhutto the introduction  to Marx  came in the form of a biography  on his 21st birthday, along with a biography of Napoleon, another  hero . Over the years, a mixture of University of Berkeley and Oxford and Pakistan and its division-ridden society got him working on a passion which linked Islam with socialism . The book  expatiates on  the second key phase , when Bhutto  was sworn in as Minister for Commerce  at the age of 30 and as Pakistan's Foreign Minister at 35 in the administration of  Ayub Khan, his benefactor, whom he later denounced as a dictator and hence had to face incarceration. 

 Bhutto’s  socialism got weakened  and the politician in him  started pushing the realpolitik pedal. "Declaring Friday as holiday, closing down 'dens of vice' like bars and cabarets, stopping short of ordering chopping of hands and feet for theft (it would happen later) was how Islamisation played out on the ground. All this he did against his grain, against his better judgement," the author writes. Hameed, through her conversations with Mubashir Hassan, and other references, analyses graphically the peak in Bhutto's career in the 1970s, when he became in 1973 the country's 10th Prime Minister. Based on the work of Rafiuddin Ahmed, the author  recreates the last moments of Bhutto's life before he was hanged at the central prison in Rawalpindi.

In an interview to Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci, Bhutto is quoted  having said, “You don’t go into politics just for the fun of it. You go into it to take power in your hands and keep it …. There is no such thing as a good, moral, consistent politician. The rest is Boy Scout stuff. And I have forgotten the Boy Scout virtues ever since I went to school.” (p. 179).

  Mubashir Hasan, J A Rahim, Mustafa Khar — had all worked together to put together the Pakistan People’s Party and Bhutto deserted them one by one.

Soon after his accession to power in December 1971, Bhutto threw out  the socialist ideas that led  to his rise. He declared  that the PPP had to be a centrist organisation and needed to maintain dialogue with all groups. The feudal landlords, who had been marginalised by a modernising Pakistan re-emerged. Bhutto became close with the rabid kathmullas, who then changed the story wholly. Another of Bhutto’s favourites, Maulana Maudoodi, according to Syeda  had been against the very foundation of Pakistan and had even said that fighting for Kashmir by Pakistanis will not bring them martyrdom but they will die like dogs .

Bhutto made every effort to reach out to Muslim leaders throughout Islamic Asia for international support against India after the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. He arranged  the Islamic Conference in Lahore in 1974 which enabled  Saudis  promote right-wing Islamists in Pakistan much to the detriment of the people and Bhutto’s own party. 

 Once it became clear to Bhutto that General Zia-ul-Haq was the most incompetent of his peers, he made serious efforts to elevate him. Zia, who was  an old school officer with a completely new school commitment to Islam, lost no time in setting Bhutto right once he had the opportunity.

 Bhutto comes across as a shrewd politician and a powerful orator who knew how to establish a personal connection with the masses. Hunger for power and burgeoning  arrogance ultimately led to his downfall. You start  sympathising with a man who despite his personal flaws had profound love and loyalty for his nation and its people.

 What is the quintessential Bhutto? . In some of his writing, for example  “If I Am Assassinated” , he becomes a politician whose sole aim was to grab power; one driven more by lust for it than by any urge to transform society. Unsurprisingly, in an interview, he said: “You do not get into politics just for fun of it. You go in to take power in your hands and keep it. Anyone who says the opposite is a liar.”

 Bhutto’s fascination for Pakistan was  grounded in a deep mistrust and hatred of India which he saw  as a major  threat. War and the arms race was part of the thinking of the elite and Bhutto was integral to the conduct of Pakistan. A key issue in Bhutto’s life is  the relationship between Zia Ul Haq and  Bhutto. According to some comentators  Zia was deeply afraid of Bhutto. According to Mubashir Hasan, a worker once informed him of how, when a few drops of tea fell on Bhutto’s shoes, Zia took out his handkerchief and cleaned them. Such anecdotes help  in understanding the power struggle. Zia gradually came to enjoy the upper hand. The chapter entitled “Judicial Murder” makes clear  how vulnerable institutions are in post-colonial societies. Clearly, Zia was in pursuit of a predetermined verdict--- ending Bhutto’s life. Global opinion was disregarded, the bigger evil triumphed, and Bhutto was executed.

 Bhutto chose to rely on the bureaucracy, the intelligence agencies and finally the army to bolster his authority. In the process he distanced himself from his grass root support and the descriptions of this in the book are its unique features.

 Bhutto was hoist with his own petard.

P.P.Ramachandran.

20/05/2018