PRANABDA

                                                   

Coalition Years by Pranab Mukherjee ; Published by Rupa ; Pages 312  ; Price Rs.595/-

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The book under review is the  third volume of the memoirs of  ex-President Pranab  Mukherjee. The earlier books were “The Indira Years” and “The Turbulent Years”. A fourth book on the "Presidential Years" is under preparation.

The memoirs conceal more than they reveal. The first two volumes were published while he was still in Rashtrapati Bhawan. The norms or maryada of that high ceremonial office was justification enough to either avoid some sensitive issues. In this third volume, this excuse wasn’t available.

 This volume   is a sharp and candid account of his years at the helm. It offers the most authoritative account of contemporary Indian politics by one of the tallest leaders and statesmen of our generation. There are no revelations here. Quite occasionally Pranabda parts the curtains to reveal  behind-the-scenes activities about  a very dramatic period in contemporary Indian political history. There is no analysis of the role of the Gandhis, especially Rahul Gandhi. He takes the reader through the Congress journey from being a coalition of “various ideas, personalities and groups of interests” to heading a coalition of parties. What  went wrong inside is not divulged.

The book begins its journey in 1996 and explores the highs and lows that characterized sixteen years of a tumultuous period in India’s political history. Seen through the eyes of a prime architect of the post-Congress era of Indian politics it is a simple account of the coalition politics.

The rout of  the Congress in the 1996 general elections and the rise of regional parties like the TDP and the TMC and  the compelling factors that forced  Congress to withdraw support to the I.K. Gujral government and the singular ability of Sonia Gandhi to forge an alliance with diverse political parties that enabled the Congress to lead the coalitions of UPA I and II are covered clinically.

The book  is also a recollection of Mukherjee’s journey as the Cabinet Minister in the key ministries of defence, external affairs and finance, beginning from 2004.  Each of the event is recounted with patent simplicity—and these include —the path-breaking meeting with Henry Kissinger in 2004 that altered the course of the Indo–US strategic partnership, Mukherjee’s  timely advice to Bangladesh Army Chief Moeen Ahmed in 2008 that led to the release of political prisoners there and the differing views with RBI Governor D. Subbarao on the structure of the FSDC. He makes no secret of the fact that his disagreements with  Subbarao, who “had been thrust upon me”, were sharp and charges him with having an exaggerated view of his autonomy. All the new initiatives he started or pursued (FSDC, FSLRC, DTC, government debt management office) remained incomplete. He avoids talking about key events in this period. The most important is the scams and the funny goings-on between his office and the Prime Minister’s over the 2G scam.

Releasing the book  Manmohan Singh declared that   Pranab Mukherjee had “every reason to feel a grievance that he was better qualified” than  him for the post of Prime Minister. Singh described Mukherjee as one of the greatest living politicians and Congressmen who the party turned to whenever there was a crisis to be resolved. 

Mukherjee  disfavoured the Congress’s 2003 decision to forge alliances to defeat the BJP in the 2004 general elections. He said his view remains unchanged even today. Mukherjee advocated the go-alone strategy, saying that is the only way the Congress can keep its identity intact. Referring to the Congress’s decision at Shimla conclave in 2003 to enter into a coalition, Mukherjee said, “The issue of being open to forming a coalition was certainly a change of tack from the Panchmarhi conclave where we had agreed that coalitions will be considered where absolutely necessary.” Mukherjee writes ,” I was the lone voice stating a contrarian view as I believed that sharing a platform or power with other parties would undermine our identity.”

Pranab  writes,  “I maintained that the party should not forsake that identity for the sake of forming a government; there was no harm in sitting in the opposition should that happen. I remain consistent with that view even today. I always believed Congress is a coalition which brings together various ideas, personalities and groups of interests. To provide leadership to a coalition is difficult as the Congress has to then manage one coalition within and one outside,”

Pranab gives  an account of selection for the country's top constitutional post ."The bone of contention about my nomination remained the same as that in 2007. Sonia Gandhi told me frankly, 'Pranabji you are the most eminently suited for the office, but you should not forget the crucial role you are playing in the functioning of the government. Could you suggest an alternative?"

"… I returned with a vague impression that she might wish to consider Manmohan Singh as the UPA presidential nominee. I thought that if she selected Singh for the presidential office, she may choose me as the prime minister. I had heard a rumour that she had given this formulation serious thought ,"

Disclosing dramatic events ahead of his name being cleared for the top post, Mukherjee documents that TMC chief Mamata Banerjee met Gandhi on June 13, 2012, and later Gandhi told him that the TMC chief had suggested two probables -- Mukherjee himself and Ansari. "Mamata Banerjee also mentioned her meeting with Sonia Gandhi and insisted that Sonia Gandhi had suggested two names -- Hamid Ansari and Pranab Mukherjee -- both of which were unacceptable to them. Manmohan Singh informed Mukherjee of a joint decision to nominate him as the presidential election nominee of the UPA.

Mukherjee also narrated the incident when Gandhi was to appoint a Prime Minister after she declined to take up the position in 2004.

"There was intense speculation in the party and the media about her choice. Within the Congress party the consensus was that the incumbent must be a political leader with experience in party affairs and administration. Finally she named Dr Manmohan Singh as her choice and he accepted.

"The prevalent expectation was that I would be the next choice for Prime Minister after Sonia Gandhi declined. This expectation was possibly based on the fact that I had extensive experience in government, while Singh's vast experience was as a civil servant with five years as a reformist finance minister," 

Mukherjee, in his introductory chapter, warns against disturbing trends in today’s politics, such as the declining time in Parliament devoted to debate, and legislation passed without proper discussion.  Mukherjee is concerned about the tendency to pass ordinances ignoring the Parliament. He points out there have been 28 ordinances in the three years of the current Lok Sabha.  He writes that, on several occasions, his observations on ordinances were communicated to the concerned minister or the Prime Minister. But he ensured that such differences did not come under the media glare.

Coming to pure politics, Mukherjee also gives a peek into the CWC meeting where Sonia was attacked on her foreign origin issue by the trio of P.A.Sangma, Sharad Pawar and Tariq Anwar, leading to the last major split in the party. Sangma had bluntly told Sonia, much to her shock: “We know very little about you, about your parents….” Mukherjee quotes.

Admitting his tendency to flare-up — for which Sonia Gandhi once told him “this is why I think you can’t be the President”  — Mukherjee writes: “Nothing exemplifies my temper more than the episode that involved the arrest of Jayendra Saraswati, the Shankaracharya of Kanchi, on 12 November 2004. It was the time when the entire country was celebrating Diwali. During the Cabinet meeting, I was extremely critical of the timing of the arrest and questioned if the basic tenets of secularism of the Indian state machinery dare to arrest a Muslim cleric during Eid festivities? M K Narayanan, then Special Advisor to Prime Minister, also agreed with me. I immediately issued instructions for the Shankaracharya to be released on bail.”

The book — despite all it does not reveal — is very useful, for the sweep of events it covers as well as the glimpses it provides of the inner workings of government at a critical time in the country’s history.

P.P.Ramachandran.

5/ 11/ 2017